Socrates’ Education to Virtue: Learning the Love of the by Mark J. Lutz

By Mark J. Lutz

Socrates' schooling to advantage argues that Plato's account of Socrates deals the fullest account of advantage and of where of advantage in political existence. targeting Platonic dramas comparable to the Symposium, Alcibiades significant, and the Republic, Lutz recounts how Socrates got here to appreciate the eager for the "noble" and to think that this longing is healthier happy via the quest for wisdom or knowledge. by means of scrutinizing how Socrates' conversations enable him to obtain, expand, and ensure his wisdom of eros and of noble advantage, the booklet recovers a strong, concrete, and nondogmatic Platonic respond to historic critics of philosophy akin to Aristophanes and indicates an additional Platonic reaction to trendy critics of classical rationalism reminiscent of Nietzsche and Rorty. in addition, it indicates how Socrates' schooling to advantage teaches him that the thinker should always recognize and think about substitute debts of the Aristocracy and excellence. The e-book argues that the restoration of Socratic schooling can develop liberal democracy not just by way of broadening and invigorating political, ethical, and non secular debate but additionally via serving to illustrate of advantage in an open society.

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But Rorty's claim that philosophy and politics are simply contingent is inconsistent with Rorty's willingness to argue that Nietzsche should have recognized that his historicist account of the self and of its truths implies that he should accept liberalism.  In saying that "the facts" can be "safely thrown away," Rorty means that only if we throw them away might liberal democracy be saved.  In fact, Rorty's very attempt to use philosophic arguments to persuade us not to bring philosophy to bear on politics reflects his own abiding faith in the power of argument to affect politics.

Insofar as Nietzsche believes that political reforms can overcome the obstacles to greatness presented by democratic morality and liberal institutions, he may mean precisely what he says in claiming that the spiritual longings that created the Platonic tradition can only be turned away from "nihilism'' and renew themselves through great wars and planetary aristocracies (Genealogy of Morals 2:11; Beyond Good and Evil 203, 208; Will to Power 960, 982; Ansell­Pearson 1994; Detwiler 1990; Löwith 1964, 262).

But Rorty's claim that philosophy and politics are simply contingent is inconsistent with Rorty's willingness to argue that Nietzsche should have recognized that his historicist account of the self and of its truths implies that he should accept liberalism.  In saying that "the facts" can be "safely thrown away," Rorty means that only if we throw them away might liberal democracy be saved.  In fact, Rorty's very attempt to use philosophic arguments to persuade us not to bring philosophy to bear on politics reflects his own abiding faith in the power of argument to affect politics.

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