Race and Redistricting in the 1990's (Agathons by Bernard Grofman

By Bernard Grofman

THE function OF THE balloting RIGHTS ACT, balloting rights questions, and crucial felony matters concerning race and redistricting appeared principally settled within the gentle of Thornburg v. Gingles (1986). All that modified dramatically within the mid-1990s. no matter if we assign the imperative reason behind this alteration as outrage on the form of a few of the Nineties' districts that have been conscientiously crafted to make the election of minority applicants close to yes, or racist backlash to the dramatic minority earnings in descriptive illustration that happened in 1992 and past, or just the inevitable spillover into the balloting rights area of the continued discontent of the hot conservative majority at the perfect courtroom with past Courts' makes use of of the Civil struggle Amendments as a justification for numerous sorts of affirmative motion, there could be doubtless that the formerly arcane factor of districting grew to become a part of either the felony and political schedule in a fashion that it had now not been because the years instantly following Baker v. Carr. the purpose of this quantity is to give a contribution to either the general public and scholarly debate approximately balloting rights and race and redistricting via targeting the "on the floor" realities instead of on dialogue of constitutional jurisprudence within the summary.

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Carolina S. 3 . 0 Mississippi N. Carolina S . 0 ELECTING MINORITY -PREFERRED CANDIDATES TO OFFICE 23 TABLE 6(C) (continued). 9 Tables 5 and 6 serve to illustrate another point: the vast majority of AfricanAmerican legislators are elected from majority black districts. In 1990, 86 percent of the African-Americans serving in state legislatures represented majority African-American districts. In 1992, the percentage increased slightly to 89 percent. The percentage increase for Congress was more dramatic in the states studied: in 1990, 79 percent of the African-Americans in office were elected from majority black districts; in 1992, 94 percent of the African-American congressional representatives served majority black districts.

Carolina S. 9 ELECTING MINORITY -PREFERRED CANDIDATES TO OFFICE 21 TABLE S(C) (continued). 0 Ohio TABLE 6(A). Percentage of Majority African-American and Non-Majority AfricanAmerican Districts that Elected African-American State House Members in the South and Non-South in 1992 Percent Majority Black Districts Electing AfricanAmerican Legislators South Arkansas Florida Georgia Louisiana Mississippi N. Carolina S. 1 THEORETICAL AND EMPIRICAL ISSUES 22 TABLE 6(B). Percentage of Majority African-American and Non-Majority African-American Districts that Elected African-American State Senate Members in the South and Non-South in 1992 Percent Non-Majority Black Districts Electing African-American Legislators Percent Majorit); Black Districts Electing AfricanAmerican Legislators South Arkansas Florida Georgia Louisiana Mississippi N.

But as the percentage of black voters falls closer to 50%, the likelihood of a white candidate winning the primary increases. Personal ambition is not the only cause of a collective action problem; policy considerations may also encourage more than one black candidate to run. For example, if a moderate black is running against a moderate white in a new blackmajority district, a liberal black may be unwilling to sacrifice his or her policy views, simply to gain more symbolic representation in Congress.

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