Personality Politics?: The Role of Leader Evaluations in by Marina Costa Lobo, John Curtis

By Marina Costa Lobo, John Curtis

Personality Politics? assesses the position that citizens' perceptions and reviews of leaders play in democratic elections. The e-book offers facts from an array of nations with various ancient and institutional contexts, and employs leading edge methodologies to figure out the significance of leaders in democracies worldwide.

Addressing such questions as 'Where do leaders results come from?', 'In which institutional contexts are chief results extra important?' and, 'To which types of citizens are leaders a extra in demand issue for vote casting behaviour?', the authors search to figure out no matter if the jobs leaders play complements or damages the electoral method, and what influence this has at the caliber of democracy in electoral democracies this present day.

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Extra resources for Personality Politics?: The Role of Leader Evaluations in Democratic Elections

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The “conservative label”, for example, should be a more salient cue in a field of candidates in which one is a conservative and the rest are moderates and liberals’ (1981, 433). These findings support others who suggest that the act of comparison is key. Rahn et al. (1990) run their candidate models in two ways: first, separately for each candidate; and second, using comparative scores for judgements. They find that the comparative model is more accurate and suggest that ‘the entire judgemental process appears to be comparative’ (1990, 119).

2001). See McDonald, Mendes, and Kim 2007 for a review of these efforts. My analysis makes use of Benoit and Laver’s (2007) extensive work, which maps parties along two dimensional lines: stances on social liberalism and on taxes versus spending. I categorized parties according to their placement along these two dimensions, grouping parties with similar locations into the same group or category. Party categories included ‘Conservative’ (including the Canadian Conservatives, the American Republicans, the British Conservatives, the German CDU and CSU, the Australian Liberals, and the Swedish Moderate Party); ‘Centre-Left’ (including the Canadian Liberals, British Labour, New Zealand Labour, Australian Labour, the German SPD, and the US Democratic party); ‘Left’ (which includes the Canadian NDP, the Swedish Left Party, the New Zealand Alliance, the British Liberal Democrats, and the Australian Democrats); ‘Centre-Right’ (which includes the Swedish Centre Party, the New Zealand National Party, New Zealand ACT, the Swedish Peoples Party, and the German FDP); ‘Right’ (which includes New Zealand First, Australian ONE, Australian Nationals, Swedish Christian, Swedish NDP, and the Canadian Reform Party); ‘Green’ (which includes the Swedish, Canadian, New Zealand, Australian, and German Green Parties); and ‘Sectional’ (which includes the Canadian Bloc Quebecois, the Scottish National Party, and the Welsh Plaid Cymru).

Some suggest that leaders play an important role in the vote calculus, while others argue that in comparison to other factors (such as partisanship and the economy), perceptions of leaders have only a minimal effect. There is also substantial disagreement about how it is that voters actually evaluate candidates in the first place. Scholars have reached very different conclusions about the types of factors that influence voters’ evaluations of leaders. Existing studies point to divergent sets of factors, including voter demographics (Cutler 2002), partisanship and ideology (Bartels 2002; Graetz and McAllister 1987), and policy/issue related factors (Rusk and Weisberg 1972; Weisberg and Rusk 1970).

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