Democracy in “Two Mexicos”: Political Institutions in Oaxaca by G. Correa-Cabrera
By G. Correa-Cabrera
This publication explains the various ways that deteriorated socioeconomic stipulations (inequality specifically) and institutional obstacles (corruption, electoral exclusion, and a vulnerable rule of legislation, between others) impact political balance in super unequal constructing international locations, like Mexico, the place democracy isn't really but totally consolidated.
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Additional resources for Democracy in “Two Mexicos”: Political Institutions in Oaxaca and Nuevo León
8 Similarly, Colomer discusses the relation between voting rights, electoral participation, and political stability in Latin America. He argues “that broad voting rights can be compatible with some high degree of political stability if the regime is organized with inclusive electoral institutions, such as proportional representation and absolute majority rule, able to produce encompassing winners with relatively large electoral and social support” (32). According to Colomer, “Unexpected and biased electoral outcomes can foster leaders’ and citizens’ rejection of the corresponding electoral institutions and political regimes that produce such outcomes” (53).
In fact, inequality within states is higher than inequality among states. 14 According to state-level Gini coefficients and Theil indexes, the most unequal states (Chiapas, Campeche, Oaxaca, Guerrero, Tabasco, and Veracruz) are located in the poor South, while the rich northern states of Baja California, Baja California Sur, Nuevo León, Coahuila, and Sonora are among the most equal. Aguascalientes, Jalisco, and Mexico City are also examples of relatively rich and more equal states. It is also worth mentioning that, although extreme poverty in Mexico has been somewhat reduced (at least according to official statistics), this reduction has not been uniformly distributed across the country.
Distributive) but rather political or institutional in nature. Political cohesion and stability seem to be influenced by the existence of certain mechanisms of interest representation that adequately channel and control group conflict, that is, by the existence of “institutionalized” opportunities for both participation and contestation. At present, political institutions—constitutional structures, parties and party systems, electoral systems, legislative bodies, judicial systems, and other systems of interest mediation—work as channels for representing groups’ interests and often act as a safety valve in channeling popular discontent into the democratic process.