American Maelstrom : the 1968 election and the politics of by Michael A. Cohen
By Michael A. Cohen
"In his presidential inaugural deal with of January 1965, Lyndon Johnson provided an uplifting imaginative and prescient for the United States, one who might finish poverty and racial injustice. Elected in a landslide over the conservative Republican Barry Goldwater and strengthened via the so-called liberal consensus, monetary prosperity, and a powerful wave of nostalgia for his martyred predecessor, John Kennedy, Johnson introduced the main ambitious govt time table in many years. 3 years later, every little thing had replaced. Johnson's approval scores had plummeted; the liberal consensus was once shattered; the battle in Vietnam splintered the kingdom; and the politics of civil rights had created a fierce white backlash. A file from the nationwide Committee for a good Congress warned of a "national frightened breakdown." The election of 1968 was once instantly stuck up in a swirl of robust forces, and the 9 males who sought the nation's optimum place of work that 12 months tried to journey them to victory-or in basic terms live to tell the tale them. at the Democratic part, Eugene McCarthy energized the anti-war flow; George Wallace spoke to the working-class white backlash; Robert Kennedy took at the mantle of his slain brother. Entangled in Vietnam, Johnson, stunningly, opted to not run back, scrambling the chances. at the Republican aspect, 1968 observed the vindication of Richard Nixon, who outhustled Nelson Rockefeller, Ronald Reagan and George Romney, through navigating among the conservative and average wings of the Republican occasion. The assassinations of first Martin Luther King, Jr., after which Kennedy appeared to push the rustic to the threshold of chaos, a chaos mirrored within the Democratic conference in Chicago, a televised horror express. vice chairman Hubert Humphrey emerged because the nominee, and, eventually freeing himself from Johnson's grip, approximately overcame the lead lengthy loved by means of Nixon who, via exploiting department and channeling the nationwide craving for order, stands out as the final guy status. In American Maelstrom, Michael A. Cohen captures the entire drama of this watershed election, setting up 1968 because the hinge among the decline of political liberalism, the ascendancy of conservative populism, and the increase of anti-government attitudes that proceed to dominate the nation's political discourse. during this sweeping and immersive e-book, equivalent components compelling research and exciting narrative, Cohen takes us to the very resource of our sleek politics of division." -- Publisher's description Read more...
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Extra resources for American Maelstrom : the 1968 election and the politics of division
He wanted more money for health, education, and antipoverty programs, and more resources for the slums, open housing legislation, political reform, a Department of Transportation, and new environmental regulations. The list of priorities was matched by a continued commitment to the war in Vietnam. ”11 Privately, Johnson felt increasing skepticism that he could successfully pursue such a policy of guns and butter, and he told cabinet officials and staffers to prepare to operate with fewer resources.
In tones alternately inspirational and solemn, and in language plain-spoken, Johnson told his countrymen, “Men want to be a part of a common enterprise—a cause greater than themselves. Each of us must find a way to advance the purpose of the Nation, thus finding new purpose for ourselves. ”10 For all of Johnson’s soaring rhetoric and the heady tone of harmony that resounded in the nation’s capital, America’s path looked very different than the one described by its president. That inauguration day would be a high-water mark for liberalism, never again to be matched in the lifetimes of those who gathered to hear Johnson speak.
In April 1968, journalist Bil Gilbert traveled to Millersburg, Pennsylvania, a small town north of Harrisburg, where the residents were largely white and middle and working class. ” Residents there had no direct connection to the traumas of urban America and little interaction with antiwar demonstrators or black militants. Yet they deeply feared them all the same. “Crime, the street being unsafe, strikes, the trouble with the colored, all this dope-taking, people leaving the churches. It is sort of a breakdown of our standards, the American way of life,” said one woman.